Quote:
Originally Posted by Comrade
Between 2012 and 2016, the GOP traded the suburbs for rural voters, especially in Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. It worked in 2016 and almost worked again in 2020 (did work in Ohio). Previous Republican candidates lost these states (except for Bush in Ohio) because they failed to drive up voter turnout in the rural parts to match the Democratic turnout in the cities and a mix of more suburban successes.
If you're the Republican Party, those four states still remain the most logical roadmap to the presidency. It's not 2004 anymore. Colorado, Nevada and New Mexico are either solidly blue (New Mexico, Colorado trending) or slight blue (Nevada). In 2004, Kerry, against the Old GOP, managed to win Wisconsin (barely), Michigan (fairly comfortably) and Pennsylvania (similarly). Had he just won Colorado, Nevada and New Mexico, three states he lost by a combined 127,000 votes, he wins the presidency.
But Trump's success in those four states he won in 2016, and nearly won again in 2020 (minus, again, Ohio, which he did win), was solely built out of his support driving out uneducated, white voters, specifically in the rural areas. What drew them to him? I think it was entirely rhetoric. That voting demographic seemed to be fueled by division politics - an us against the world type of mentality. This has largely been a resentful group who, though not popular at the time, Obama nailed when he said they cling to their guns and religion. It is cult-like in the sense that the whole narrative is to blame everyone else for your lot in life.
Prior to Trump, the GOP skirted that blame. They might have done it subtly by blaming Mexicans for taking the jobs, but it wasn't outright brazen like with Trump and in many ways, that pacified rhetoric subdued turnout. Along comes Trump, though, and intensifies it. Your economic woes are a direct result of free trade (despite the fact the job situation in these communities didn't get significantly better in Trump's four years). Your lot in life is not your fault, it's this person's fault and you better vote for me so we can hold them accountable.
It was the same way with how he spoke of the COVID pandemic. Everything was China's fault. Nothing was his fault. Blame China.
And that resonated with voters. I hate saying it, because I am sure there will be some that disagree, but there is a group of Americans who are perpetually angry. They've been angry for years. They're angry at their financial situation. They're angry that they're losing influence locally and nationally. They're angry that a black person may be having more success than they are because it's not natural. They're angry at life and while the GOP has been a natural progression for these folks, no one quite gave them the platform Trump did.
But this is the problem the GOP finds itself in with guys like Cruz and Rubio and even Hailey. They're not as audacious as Trump with that level of rhetoric. But it's so thoroughly tainted the party that the only way they're ever going to win back moderate suburban voters is likely with a candidate who outright repudiates Trump and that's not going to happen anytime soon because they aren't likely to win the nomination to get to the general where it might be more effective. But because they don't have the shamelessness of Trump, at least to that level, they're probably not going to draw from the rural voters at near the level he did. Those rural voters won't vote Democratic. They just won't vote.
There's one other factor here, though: 2016 likely would have been won by Hillary had the third parties not done as well as they did in WI, PA and MI. So, really, Trumpism as an ideology leads to such a narrow path to victory that it's not likely to result in many successes going forward.
|
The problem for the GOP continues to be the impending Texas calamity:
2000: +21.32% R
2004: +22.87% R
2008: +11.77% R
2012: +15.79% R
2016: +8.98% R
2020: +5.65% R
Those trendlines suggest that the GOP margin in Texas declines by 0.8% per year or 3.2% per 4-year cycle.
So we would expect on average something like this:
2024: +2.45% R
2028: +0.75% D [FLIP]
2032: +3.95% D
2036: +7.15% D
etc.
So if we look at 2028, adjust for the 2020 Census counts, and assume the Democrats hold every state that they won in 2020 by 10% or more, then we have the following:
208 Electoral Votes: D states by +10% in 2020
At that point, Dems are 62 EVs away from the White House
1. Give them Minnesota (+7.1% Biden) and Democrats are at 217.
2. Give them Georgia (rapidly trending left) and they're at 233.
3. Give them Texas (rapidly trending left) and the Dems are at 274.
At that point, the GOP could win Arizona, Florida, Iowa, Maine at large, Michigan, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin (essentially all swing states save Georgia and Texas) and still lose.
Basically, whatever their coalition becomes, it has to be geared toward Texas. Losing Texas collapses the house of cards.
And the biggest wild card is Latinos. Trump won Texas by 5.65% with record margins among Latinos. If they hadn't trended GOP, Biden would have lost by ~2%, suggesting the GOP needs to make sure there's no retrenchment in the Rio Grande Valley or the 2028 number above could happen even sooner.
The second wild card is the decline of the rural White population and the Boomer population. By 2030, the oldest boomers will be in their mid-80s. In other words, in rapid decline due to death. So the trend could actually speed itself up.